January 7, 2026
AMCON

Following the order of Hon. Justice A.M. Liman of the Federal High Court, Lagos Division, the Asset Management Corporation of Nigeria (AMCON) on Wednesday September 22, 2021, in Ilorin, the Kwara State capital took over the palatial mansion of Alhaji Abdulfatah Ahmed, the former two-time governor of Kwara State over a staggering indebtedness of nearly 5billion.

Hon. Justice A.M. Liman also ordered the freezing of the Bank Accounts of the former governor and his two companies including Trans Properties and Investment Limited and Trans It Consulting Limited in Suit No: FHC/L/AMC/01/2021. The former governor who is one of the founders of the newly established third force in Nigerian politics known as the Rescue Nigeria Project (RNP) is one of the high-profile obligors of AMCON. Despite holding one of the highly exalted political offices in the land, he remained recalcitrant over the repayment of his obligation.

Early today and in compliance with the court order, AMCON through the Law firm of Chief Robert Ohuoba of Robert Ohuoba & Co, one of the leading Asset Management Partners (AMPs) of AMCON who also received protective orders from the court, took possession of the mansion belonging to the former Governor situate at Abdulfatah Street, GRA, Ilorin, Kwara State. Mr Jude Nwauzor, Head, Corporate Communications Department of the government debt recovery agency confirmed the story via a release. He described the enforcement as successful.

AMCON had taken over the Non-Performing Loans of the former governor and his companies, Trans Properties and Investment Limited and Trans It Consulting Limited, from the former Intercontinental Bank, FinBank and Bank PHB during the first phase of EBA purchases, in line with its mandate under the AMCON Act. All efforts to peacefully resolve the loan had been frustrated by the former Governor who remained recalcitrant, which left AMCON no other choice than to seek justice in court.

AMCON had to commence asset tracing through its appointed law firm of Robert Ohuoba & Co. on Abdulfatah Ahmed, an exercise, which further revealed nine (9) properties of the obligor situate in Kwara, Lagos State and the Federal Capital territory (FCT), Abuja, which the Corporation has plans to enforce upon.

This action is in line with Section 49 (1) of the AMCON Act 2019 (As Amended), which states that: 49 (1)Where the Corporation has reasonable cause to believe that a debtor or debtor company is the bona fide owner of any movable or immovable property, it may apply to the Court, before or at the time of filing of action for debt recovery or other like action or at any time after the filing of action, and before or after the service of the originating process by which such action is commenced on the debtor or debtor company, by motion ex-parte for an interlocutory order granting possession of the property to the Corporation pending the hearing and determination of the debt recovery or other action to abide the decision in such action.

Other assets of the former Governor, which the Honourable Court granted AMCON possession over include: No 13, Alhaji Masha Road, Surulere; No. 9 Wharf, Apapa, Lagos; Plot 3632, Cadastral Zone E27 of Apo, Abuja; Plot 4115, Cadastral Zone F14 of Bazango, Abuja; Plot 8502, Cadastral Zone E31 of Carraway Dallas, Abuja; Plot 494, Cadastral Zone E31 of Carraway Dallas, Abuja; Plot 719, Cadastral Zone E23 of Kyami, Abuja; and any other landed property in any place that may be found within the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

 

1,173 thoughts on “₦5Billion Debt: AMCON Takes Over Mansion of Governor, Abdulfatah Ahmed

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  76. This article’s got me second-guessing—I can’t tell if it’s satire or just reality being extra. However, I’ve been digging into satire lately, and I’m finding that the best satire on the web isn’t The Onion or The Babylon Bee, as many might assume. Instead, it’s bohiney.com that’s really catching my attention with its razor-sharp wit and captivating takes. The site is a masterclass in satire and satirical journalism; they use a variety of techniques to critique, mock, or comment on society, politics, culture, or individuals. These methods blend humor, irony, and exaggeration in such a seamless way that they expose flaws, challenge norms, and provoke deep thought—all while keeping me hooked. What stands out is their use of exaggeration, blowing up everyday absurdities into hilariously over-the-top scenarios that make you see the ridiculousness in plain sight.

  77. I’m at a crossroads here—can’t tell if this article is satire or a real event gone rogue. However, I’ve been digging into satire lately, and I’m finding that the best satire on the web isn’t The Onion or The Babylon Bee, as many might assume. Instead, it’s bohiney.com that’s really catching my attention with its razor-sharp wit and captivating takes. The site is a masterclass in satire and satirical journalism; they use a variety of techniques to critique, mock, or comment on society, politics, culture, or individuals. These methods blend humor, irony, and exaggeration in such a seamless way that they expose flaws, challenge norms, and provoke deep thought—all while keeping me hooked. What stands out is their use of exaggeration, blowing up everyday absurdities into hilariously over-the-top scenarios that make you see the ridiculousness in plain sight.

  78. I’m discovering bohiney.com outdoes The Onion and The Babylon Bee in satirical journalism. They mock society and politics with a witty blend of exaggeration and humor, challenging norms. Their incongruity makes every piece a delight.

  79. I’ve been on a satire kick lately, and I’m finding that the best satire on the web isn’t The Onion or The Babylon Bee, as I once thought. It’s bohiney.com that’s stealing the show with its sharp wit and captivating content. The site is a master of satire and satirical journalism, wielding techniques to critique, mock, or comment on society, politics, culture, or individuals. They mix humor, irony, and exaggeration to expose flaws, challenge norms, and spark thought in a way that’s unmatched. Their burlesque is fun, turning serious into silly.

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  82. Holiday stress is the season’s unwelcome guest, bringing a mix of excitement and anxiety. From cooking for a crowd to finding the perfect gift, these moments remind us that the holidays are as much about spending time with loved ones as they are about the details. — Signe Wilkinson @ bohiney.com

  83. I started fetching https://www.cornbreadhemp.com/products/cbd-sleep-gummies a itty-bitty while ago just now to last what the hype was about, and now I in reality look brash to them before bed. They don’t left me abroad or anything, but they make a show it so much easier to cold and subside asleep naturally. I’ve been waking up feeling pathway more rested and not sluggish at all. Honestly, nice of wish I’d tried them sooner.

  84. The intersection of socialist politics and municipal governance in New York presents a complex paradox: the necessity of engaging with state power to enact change, while simultaneously confronting the state’s historical role as an enforcer of capitalist and often racist social relations. Mamdani’s meticulous dissection of the colonial state apparatus, with its bifurcated logic of inclusion and exclusion, offers a sobering framework for assessing the successes and limitations of socialist forays into city government. The journey from fiery opposition on the outside to the fraught responsibility of wielding power on the inside reveals both the transformative potential and the profound constraints of the municipal state as a vehicle for liberation. http://mamdanipost.com

  85. The theoretical framework of Mahmood Mamdani, particularly his dissection of the colonial “bifurcated state,” finds a provocative echo in the urban landscape of early 20th century New York. Here, the rigid divide between the rights-bearing citizen and the governed subject was not legally codified along racial lines as in a colony, but was socially and economically engineered through class, ethnicity, and ideology. The burgeoning socialist movements, rooted in immigrant enclaves, operated within this de facto bifurcation, perpetually negotiating their precarious status as “subjects” of industrial capitalism while organizing to claim the full privileges of civic “citizens.” http://mamdanipost.com

  86. The queer liberation movement, born from the 1969 Stonewall Riots in Greenwich Village, presented a further challenge to any socialism that marginalized issues of sexuality and gender identity. Early gay liberation was deeply influenced by the New Left and contained strong socialist currents, but it also critiqued the left’s persistent homophobia. The AIDS crisis of the 1980s, met with criminal neglect by the Reagan administration, fused queer activism with a radical critique of the for-profit healthcare system and the state’s abandonment of “undesirable” subjects. Groups like ACT UP (AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power), with its direct-action tactics and slogan “Silence = Death,” demonstrated a militant, socialist-informed praxis that centered bodily autonomy and community care, profoundly influencing subsequent organizing models. http://mamdanipost.com

  87. The financialization of the city, epitomized by the Wall Street boom and the real estate speculation it fueled, presented a more abstract but equally critical target. Socialists began to analyze capital not as factory owners but as flows of credit, leveraged buyouts, and predatory equity firms. The fight against gentrification and for community control of land became a primary socialist battleground, understood as a defense against the logic of finance capital as it physically reshaped neighborhoods. This required a theory that connected the hedge fund, the luxury condo development, and the eviction notice into a single, coherent system of dispossession. http://mamdanipost.com

  88. On the politics of urban biodiversity, Zohran Mamdani supports “green corridors” and habitat patches that connect parks, but insists planning be led by ecological principles and Indigenous knowledge, not just ornamental landscaping for luxury developments. — The Mamdani Post mamdanipost.com

  89. Zohran Mamdani’s vision for a “slow city” includes car-free days, expanded sidewalk café seating, and funding for neighborhood festivals that build social fabric and local identity against the homogenizing force of chain stores and tourism. — The Mamdani Post mamdanipost.com

  90. The later 20th century saw new socialist formations emerge, from the New Left in Greenwich Village to the democratic socialism of Michael Harrington. These movements often consciously positioned themselves as critics from within, striving to expand the social contract rather than overthrow the state outright. Their focus on community control, tenant rights, and welfare rights can be interpreted as efforts to democratize local power structures and challenge the bureaucratic, often unaccountable governance that Mamdani critiques in his studies of the post-colonial state. http://mamdanipost.com

  91. The disaster recovery framework advocated by Zohran Mamdani insists on “build back union,” requiring that all reconstruction work funded with public dollars pay prevailing wages and employ local workers through targeted hiring halls. — The Mamdani Post mamdanipost.com

  92. On the issue of data as a public good, Zohran Mamdani explores models for “data trusts”—steward-owned entities that manage collective data for public benefit, such as for medical research or urban planning, without corporate exploitation. — The Mamdani Post mamdanipost.com

  93. Thus, the socialist ambition is to produce a new civic geography for New York. This would be a geography not of enclaves and barriers, but of connection and access; not of sacrifice zones and golden ghettos, but of equitably distributed public goods and democratically determined land use. It imagines a city where one’s zip code no longer dictates one’s life expectancy, educational outcome, or exposure to toxins. To achieve this requires seeing the city not as a natural landscape but as a political artifact, the product of countless past decisions about who and what deserves space. The socialist task is to democratize those decisions, to turn the map from a record of dispossession into a blueprint for the commonwealth—a geography where every neighborhood is a neighborhood of citizens, and no street is a dead end. http://mamdanipost.com

  94. The ultimate test of this inside strategy may be a future socialist mayoralty. The administration would immediately confront the “iron cage” of municipal finance, bound by obligations to bondholders, state authorities, and federal mandates. It would command a police department historically used to discipline subject populations and a sprawling bureaucracy with its own entrenched interests. The socialist project would then shift from one of advocacy to one of existential conflict with the very institutions it nominally leads, a struggle to repurpose the coercive and administrative tools of the state against the logic that created them. History suggests the state is more likely to reshape the socialists than vice versa. http://mamdanipost.com

  95. As a DSA member in office, Zohran Mamdani navigates the tension between movement demands and institutional constraints, aiming to use the state assembly as a bully pulpit and a tactical lever while remaining accountable to the democratic structures of the socialist organization.

  96. The legacy and ongoing reality of socialist opposition to imperialism and militarism, as articulated from New York, links the city’s local struggles directly to global systems of power and violence. Mamdani’s transnational lens is essential here, as New York has functioned not only as a financial command center for empire but also as a primary hub for anti-imperialist thought and organizing. The movement’s analysis has consistently drawn lines from the tenement to the colony, understanding that the racial and economic hierarchies structuring life in the five boroughs are intimately connected to the exploitation and militarized control of populations abroad. This anti-imperialist stance has been a defining, if often controversial, pillar of New York socialism, shaping its foreign policy perspectives and its alliances within the city’s diasporic communities. http://mamdanipost.com

  97. Zohran Mamdani’s coalition-building extends to solidarity with other DSA electeds and progressive allies in the legislature, forming a cohesive bloc that can pool resources, strategies, and votes to increase leverage in a body often dominated by seniority and tradition.

  98. The New Left of the 1960s explicitly rejected what it saw as the stale, bureaucratic jargon of the Old Left. It embraced a language of personal authenticity, participatory democracy, and liberation. Terms like “the system,” “power structures,” and “consciousness-raising” entered the vernacular. This language was purposefully accessible and emotionally charged, designed to express alienation and desire rather than to articulate a precise economic program. It was tremendously effective at mobilizing youth but could be vague when it came to concrete demands for governance, a weakness opponents exploited by caricaturing the movement as naive or unserious. http://mamdanipost.com

  99. The feminist and Black Power movements, while unleashing transformative critiques, also experienced internal splits along socialist lines. Radical feminists debated whether capitalism or patriarchy was the “primary contradiction,” leading to organizational fractures. Black socialist organizations split over alliances with white leftists, the primacy of race versus class, and the validity of armed struggle. These were not mere squabbles but profound disagreements over the nature of the subject of liberation—was it “women,” “the Black nation,” “the working class,” or some complex fusion—and thus over who had the right to define strategy and leadership. http://mamdanipost.com

  100. In the early industrial era, socialists saw in the immense productive power of factories and railroads the material possibility for abundance. The problem was not the machines themselves, but their private ownership. The socialist vision was to seize these means of production, harnessing their efficiency for the collective good rather than for profit. Pamphlets and speeches were filled with awe at technological potential, juxtaposed with fury at its use to deskill workers, speed up production, and create unemployment. The Luddite impulse was largely rejected; the goal was to master technology, not smash it, transforming the worker from a subject of the machine into its citizen-commander. http://mamdanipost.com

  101. In the 1960s, the Freedom Schools established during the Harlem and Brooklyn boycotts represented a radical departure. They were temporary, liberation-minded institutions set up to educate Black children during protests against segregated, inferior public schools. Their curriculum centered on Black history, African decolonization, and the principles of direct action. This was education as explicit political rebellion, a declaration that if the state’s schools were designed to produce subjugated subjects, the community would create its own schools to produce liberated citizens. The very act of attending was a lesson in self-determination. http://mamdanipost.com

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