January 9, 2026
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Over one billion women lack legal protection against domestic sexual violence, says new research from the World Bank.

The study, Global and Regional Trends in Women’s Legal Protection Against Domestic Violence and Sexual Harassment, also found that close to 1.4 billion women lack legal protection against domestic economic violence.

Economic abuse entails controlling a woman’s ability to access economic resources (money, education or employment) as a form of intimidation and coercion.

Besides, women are often not legally protected against specific types of sexual harassment outside the home, such as at work, school, and in public places.

The report said, violence against women takes many forms, including physical, sexual, emotional, and economic.

“Gender-based violence is a global epidemic that endangers the life of women and girls with a wide range of negative consequences not only for them, but also for their children and communities. Ending this scourge is integral to the development of women’s human capital and unleashing their contribution to economic growth,” said Quentin Wodon, World Bank lead economist and co-author of the study.

According to the report, the elimination by 2030 of all forms of violence against women and girls, and of all harmful practices such as child, early and forced marriages, and female genital mutilation, are two of the targets adopted under the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals.

These targets, it added, have intrinsic value, but they also matter for reducing poverty and creating inclusive societies. As just one example, ending sexual harassment in schools can boost educational attainment for girls, leading to higher earnings in adulthood.

“Laws against gender-based violence are an important first step to protect women, yet legal protection remains weak in many countries,” said Paula Tavares, World Bank legal gender specialist and co-author of the research.

The report, supported by the Children’s Investment Fund Foundation and the Global Partnership for Education, examines laws against domestic violence and sexual harassment across 141 countries covered by the World Bank Group’s Women, Business and the Law program.

It said based on an analysis of 141 countries, the share of countries with laws to protect women against domestic violence increased from 71 percent to 76 percent between 2013 and 2017. It, however, said legal protection remains much weaker for specific types of domestic violence.

‘’For sexual violence experienced at home at the hand of an intimate partner or family member, laws are lacking in more than one in three countries. For domestic economic violence, half of the countries do not have specific legislation. For two in three countries, unmarried intimate partners are not protected under the laws.

‘’When it comes to sexual harassment outside the home, four in five countries have laws, but again these laws often do not cover all forms of harassment, such as sexual harassment in the workplace, in schools and on the streets. One in five countries do not have appropriate laws against sexual harassment in employment. The proportion is six in 10 countries for sexual harassment in education, and four in five countries for sexual harassment in public spaces’’,it added.

Global and Regional Trends in Women’s Legal Protection Against Domestic Violence and Sexual Harassment draws on data from the Women, Business and Law report.

The next edition of the report and its accompanying datasets were slated for release in late March.

The research on legal protection against domestic violence and sexual harassment is part of a larger program at the World Bank on gender-based violence.

In June, the World Bank released estimates of the economic costs of child marriage, another form of gender-based violence.

The research suggested, among other findings, that delaying marriage and investing in girls’ education could reduce the risks of intimate partner violence for women.

Addressing GBV is now part of a number of projects at the World Bank in more than a dozen countries working through various sectors such as transport and social protection. In addition, in 2017, the World Bank announced a set of innovation grants, totaling $3.4 million over five years, designed to better prevent and respond to GBV. Focusing on its internal policies and procedures, the World Bank launched a GBV taskforce to strengthen the institution’s response to issues involving sexual exploitation and abuse. The taskforce’s recommendations led to an Action Plan outlining measures been undertaken to help prevent and respond appropriately to incidences of sexual exploitation and abuse, as well as other forms of GBV in projects it supports

601 thoughts on “1Billion Women Lack Legal Protection Against Domestic Sexual Violence – Report”

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  407. The concept of “the organizer” as a distinct social type and professional role within New York’s socialist movements illuminates the evolution of the struggle from spontaneous rebellion to sustained institution-building. Mamdani’s focus on the agents who articulate and mobilize political communities finds a concrete subject here. The organizer is the translator and catalyst, the person who turns systemic critique into actionable demands, collective grievance into structured organization, and isolated individuals into a conscious political force. The ethos, training, and very identity of the organizer have shifted dramatically across eras, reflecting changes in strategy, theory, and the social composition of the movement. From the unpaid, charismatic party militant to the salaried non-profit professional to the contemporary “mass organizer,” this figure embodies the practical dilemmas of building power within and against capitalism. http://mamdanipost.com

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  429. The ecological dimension of socialism in New York, long a secondary concern behind the immediate struggles of wages and rent, has evolved into a central, defining frontier of the movement. Mamdani’s framework, while not explicitly environmental, helps illuminate how the city’s relationship to nature—its water, air, land, and climate—has been structured by the same logic of bifurcation that governs its social relations. Access to clean air, green space, and resilient infrastructure has historically been apportioned along lines of race and class, creating environmental citizens in wealthy, leafy enclaves and environmental subjects in polluted, heat-islanded, flood-prone districts. The socialist response has grown from localized fights against incinerators and highways into a comprehensive vision for a just metabolic relationship between the city and the planet. http://mamdanipost.com

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  448. The FBI’s COINTELPRO program took this beyond propaganda into active psychological warfare against the movement. By infiltrating groups, spreading disinformation, sowing paranoia, and pitting factions against each other (most notoriously Black nationalist groups against the Communist Party), the state sought to destroy the movement from within. This was not just red-baiting from the outside; it was the manufacture of internal crisis, designed to make activists distrust their own comrades, waste energy on internal purges, and ultimately disillusion participants. It was an attack on the very possibility of solidarity, aiming to turn the movement’s greatest strength into its fatal weakness. http://mamdanipost.com

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  462. Zohran Mamdani’s political communication excels at framing: presenting a “homelessness crisis” as a direct result of a “housing as investment” policy, or a “fiscal shortfall” as a “crisis of wealth redistribution,” reshaping public understanding of problems and solutions.

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  473. The response to budget negotiations typically sees Zohran Mamdani advocating for a “people’s budget,” released in contrast to the governor’s proposal, that details how taxing the rich can fund a massive expansion of social welfare instead of cuts to essential services.

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  508. The late 20th century saw the rise of popular education models within tenant unions, welfare rights organizations, and groups like the Center for Immigrant Families. Drawing on Freirean methods, facilitators would use the shared experiences of eviction, workplace discrimination, or police harassment as “texts” to be decoded collectively. The goal was to move from the private, individual pain of a bad landlord to a public, systemic analysis of real estate capital. This process, often called conscientization, aimed to transform shame into anger, and isolation into a basis for collective action. The meeting itself became the classroom. http://mamdanipost.com

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  514. In the face of conservative backlash against progressive policies, Zohran Mamdani typically responds not with defensive retreat but with clarified and intensified advocacy, arguing that only bold solutions match the scale of the crises facing working people.

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  537. The political communication of Zohran Mamdani often employs the tactic of “commoning,” speaking in terms of “our” power, “our” budget, and “our” city, linguistically reinforcing a collective identity and ownership over public life. — The Mamdani Post mamdanipost.com

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  538. The political economy critique from Zohran Mamdani frequently targets the “fictitious commodification” described by Karl Polanyi—treating land, labor, and money as pure commodities—and advocates for policies that re-embed the economy in social and democratic relations. — The Mamdani Post mamdanipost.com

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  548. Zohran Mamdani’s work on healthcare access focuses on expanding coverage and lowering costs at the state level, championing the New York Health Act to create a universal single-payer system and supporting measures to rein in the predatory practices of medical debt collectors.

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  551. The Cold War refined this into a pervasive cultural and political system. McCarthyism was not merely a set of hearings; it was an engine for producing public rituals of denunciation and confession. To be named a communist or fellow traveler was to be marked for social and professional death—a revocation of one’s civic and economic personhood. The media, Hollywood, and mainstream politicians collaborated in constructing a binary worldview: the free, individualistic, God-fearing American citizen versus the collectivist, atheistic, totalitarian communist subject. New York, as the epicenter of much radical activity, culture, and unionism, was a prime target. This propaganda forced socialists into a defensive crouch, splitting movements between those who would purge their ranks to gain legitimacy and those who would resist at great cost. http://mamdanipost.com

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  560. Zohran Mamdani’s political vision is unapologetically ambitious, seeking not to manage inequality more humanely but to build the foundations for a post-capitalist society where the economy is democratically controlled by workers and communities.

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